Farewell to Syria, for a while: في وداع سورية… مؤقتا

Farewell to Syria, for a while: في وداع سورية… مؤقتا.

I don’t usually re-blog. But my friend Alisar Iram’s translation of the latest farewell letter from Yassin Haj Saleh, is worthy or repeating here. It is of course important to remember that Yassin’s temporary exile from Syria is safety related decision (as referred to by another friend) and not much political position should be read into it. It remains however heart breaking that Yassin had to remain in hiding in his “liberated” city of Raqqa and that he could not find safety in the liberated areas of Syria.

Thanks to Alisar for her translation and for allowing 7ee6an to republish the translation. I strongly encourage friends to visit Alisar Iram’s blog

Farewell to Syria, for a while

By Yassin Al Haj Saleh

October 12, 2013

I have tried hard for the last two and a half years to stay in Syria. It was important for me as a writer to stay in the country  and live the events I was writing about, and it was doubly important for me as a man of culture to live among the people I belong to, like they live, trying to understand their concerns. I wanted to stay not because I was doing something invaluable, but because that was my place which I could not replace. I wished to see Syria change after spending half a century of my age watching it immune to change.

 To stay in the country demanded great efforts from me in order to avoid falling in the sinister hands of the Assadi regime. After two and a half years of the Revolution I was compelled to also leave Damascus where I had lived for twelve years, the last two years of them in hiding. I was smuggled out of Damascus to the suburbs (gouta), then after 100 days I set out to Raqaa, the city where I had spent my childhood and teen age years and where my brothers live or those left of them. The journey to Raqqa was extremely hard, not because it took 19 days of travelling in the sweltering heat of the summer amid considerable dangers, but because even before  the journey had ended and during the several stages it took, I was becoming aware that my destination and the last expanse of my journey were falling gradually under the influence of the State of Iraq and the Levant ( Daesh داعش ), this name which invokes the specters of the figures of horror, the ghouls, of our childhood.  A few days before leaving Ghouta, it came to my knowledge that the ghoul captured and imprisoned my brother Ahmad.  Then at Ruhaiba in Qalamoun, while I was trying to get news of my brother Ahamad, I also knew that my second younger brother Firas was captured by them too.

 The journey lost its meaning for me, never the less, I had to proceed with it. I needed to come to the end of a hard journey which was only made bearable by the company of some defecting young men and a cameraman friend who was recording some stages of our journey.  As the trip neared its completion, my interest in it waned and the prospect of the journey’s end lost its thrill.

 In Raqqa, I spent two months and a half in hiding without succeeding in getting one piece of information about my brother Firas. Nothing could be worse than this. Therefore, instead of celebrating my arrival at Raqqa, I had to keep in hiding in my own liberated city, watching strangers oppress it and rule the fates of its people, confiscating public property,  destroying a statue of Haroun Al-Rasheed or desecrating a church; taking people into custody where they disappeared in their prisons. All the prisoners were rebel political activists while none of them was chosen from the regime’s previous loyalists or shabiha. With the exception of this flagrant oppression of the people, their property and symbols, the new rulers have shown no sign of the spirit of public responsibility which is supposed to be the duty of those who are in power.

 I wished to stay in Raqqa for the longest possible time to understand why events had taken this turn and to form an idea about the new leaders. I was able to collect some useful information but not as much as I had wished because I was not able to explore the city’s streets and listen to the people tell me their stories, not to mention holding interviews with the Emirs of the State of Iraq and the Levant and their mujahideen.

Not to walk in the streets of Raqqa in autumn? This is not an adequate reason for leaving, yet it is quite important on its own for me. At the onset of the Revolution, I used to say jokingly to my friends: I wish to topple the regime so as to get a passport. I wanted a passport to feel free and to travel where I wished. Today I leave behind comrades who will carry the struggle on. Our presence together inside the country used to give us courage and the strength to continue. I do not feel bitter, but I am a little angry. I realize how impossible our situation has become, yet notwithstanding,  I feel that whenever I am able to understand something or shed light on another, I believe I am taming the brutal multi- headed monster which wants to keep us in darkness, without the right to speak up, and not desiring but what it desires.

What frightens me most now is not to be able to understand the world outside Syria and for things to lose their clarity for me. I used to understand things Syrian. Syria was my country. I do not know exactly what I am going to do in exile. I always felt ill at ease with this word. It seems to me to be making a mockery of the people still inside the country. Perhaps its meaning will change and expand to include the whole of our terrible experience: the experience of uprootedness, seeking asylum, dispersion then eventually the hope of return. I do not know exactly what I am going to do, but I am now part of this massive Syrian exodus and the dream of return, although it feels right now as an amputation.

This is our country which is all that we have. I know that there is no other country that can be as merciful to us as this terrible country.

Translated by Alisar Iram

في وداع سورية… مؤقتا

ياسين الحاج صاح
October 12, 2013

 بذلت ما أستطيع من جهد طوال عامين ونصف للبقاء في البلد. كان هذا مهماً لي ككاتب يريد أن يعيش الأوضاع التي يكتب عنها، ومهما لي كمثقف يريد أن يعيش بين الناس ومثل الناس الذين هو منهم، ويحاول فهم أحوالهم. أردت أن أبقى ليس لأني أقوم بعمل لا غنى عنه، ولكن لأن هذا مكاني الذي لا غنى لي عنه. أريد أن أرى سورية وهي تتغير، بعد أن قضيت نصف قرن من عمري وهي لا تتغير.

 اقتضى البقاء في البلد جهدا كبيرا أيضا لتجنب الوقوع في القبضة الإجرامية للنظام الأسدي. وبعد نحو عامين من الثورة اقتضى أيضا أن أترك دمشق التي عشت فيها أكثر بقليل من 12 عاما، متواريا في العامين الأخيرين. قصدت الغوطة تهريبا، ثم بعد نحو 100 يوم اتجهت نحو الرقة، المدينة التي عشت فيها سنوات من الطفولة والمراهقة، ويقيم فيها إخوتي، أو من بقي منهم.  كانت الرحلة نحو الرقة شاقة جدا. ليس لأنها استغرقت 19 يوما في عز الصيف، وكانت محفوفة بالمخاطر، ولكن لأني قبل بداية الرحلة، ثم وأنا على الطريق المتعدد المراحل، كنت أتابع ابتعاد محطتي الأخيرة، الرقة، التي وقعت تحت احتلال قوة أجنبية عدائي، “الدولة الإسلامية في العراق والشام”، أو “داعش”، الاسم الذي يبدو مناسبا جدا لغول في إحدى الخرافات التي كنا نسمعها صغارا. قبل مغادرة الغوطة بأيام قليلة علمت أن الغول اعتقل أخي أحمد. وفي الرحيبة في منطقة القلمون علمت، وأنا أتصل للاطمئنان على أحمد، أن الغول اختطف فراس أيضا. هذا زائد على الحد. لم يعد للرحلة معنى، لكني ما كان بوسعي إلا المضي فيها. كنت راغبا في انتهاء رحلة شاقة، كان يخفف من مشقتها رفقة مقاتلين شبان منشقين، وصديق شاب مصور، كان يوثق جوانب من رحلتنا بكاميرته.

لكن لم تعد نهاية الرحلة غاية شخصية، ولم يعد لانتهاء المشقة بهجة خاصة. قضيت في الرقة شهرين ونصف متواريا. ولا معلومة واحدة عن فراس خلالها.

لا شيء يمكن أن يكون أسوأ. بدل أن أصلها محتفلا، أعيش متواريا في مدينتي “المحررة” بعد عامين ونصف من الثورة. هذا بينما يتحكم أغراب فيه وبحياة سكانها، فيحطمون تمثالا متواضعا لهرون الرشيد، ويعتدون على كنيسة، ويستولون على أملاك عامة، ويعتقلون بشرا ويغيبونهم في سجونهم، ومن الناشطين السياسيين حصرا، وليس أبدا من خدم النظام السابقين وشبيحته. وعدا هذا العدوان على البشر والرموز والأشياء، لا يبدو أن القوم يعرضون شيئا من روح المسؤولية العمومية التي يفترض أن تقع على عاتق من يشغل موقع السلطة.

أردت أن أبقى في الرقة أطول وقت ممكن لأفهم كيف جرت الأمور على هذا النحو، ولأكون فكرة عن المتحكمين الجدد. عرفت أشياء مفيدة، لكن ليس بقدر ما ينبغي لأني لم أستطع التجول ماشيا في شوارع المدينة، وسماع القصص من الناس، دع عنك مقابلة أمراء “الدولة الإسلامية في العراق والشام” وعموم “مجاهد”ـيها.

ألا أمشي في شوارع الرقة في الخريف… ليس هذا سببي للرحيل، لكنه كبير وحده. في مطلع الثورة كنت أقول مازحا لأصدقائي: أريد إسقاط النظام كي أحصل على جواز سفر! كنت أريد جواز سفر كي أشعر أني حر، أسافر حين أريد.

 اليوم أترك ورائي أصدقاء مستمرون في الكفاح، كان وجودنا في الداخل يؤنس ويشد أزر كل واحد منا.

لست مريرا، غاضب بعض الشيء. أدرك كم حالنا مستحيلة، لكن كلما ظننت أني فهمت شيئا أو استطعت إضاءة شيء أشعر بانتصار صغير على الوحش البهيم متعدد الرؤوس الذي يريد أن نبقى في الظلام، ألا نملك الكلام، وألا نريد غير ما يريد.

أكثر ما أخشاه الآن هو ألا أفهم خارج سورية. أن تستبهم علي الأمور. كنت أفهمُ في سورية. كانت وطني.

لا أعرف بالضبط ماذا سأفعل في “المنفى”. طالما شعرت بالضيق في السابق من هذه الكلمة. كانت تبدو أشبه بسخرية من الباقين في البلد. اليوم ربما يتغير معناها، لتتضمن تجربتنا المهولة، تجربة الاقتلاع واللجوء والتشتت، وأمل العودة.

لا أعرف ما سأفعل، لكني جزء من هذا الخروج السوري الكبير، ومن العودة السورية المأمولة.   وإن يكن أشبه بمسلخ اليوم، وطننا هذا ليس لنا غيره، وأعرف أنه ليس ثمة بلد أرأف بنا من هذا البلد الرهيب.

Yassin Al Haj Saleh *

About Yassin Haj Saleh (note from Alisar)

Yassin Al Haj Saleh is a well known Syrian dissident and activist . He was imprisoned at the age of 21 by the Syrian authorities in 1980 without trial and remained in prison until 1996. When the Revolution started he went into hiding. He became a fugitive travelling for safety in Syria, but when he became wanted too by the by the Qaeda affiliates, in addition to the Syrian authorities, he had to flee his beloved country. The above note is his farewell to his Syria, even if for a while.

Yassin al-Haj Saleh (born in Ar-Raqqah in 1961)[1] is a Syrian writer and political dissident. He writes on political, social and cultural subjects relating to Syria and the Arab world.[1]

From 1980 until 1996 he spent time in prison in Syria for his membership in what he now calls a “communist pro-democracy group”.[2][3] He was arrested while he was studying medicine in Aleppo and spent sixteen years in prison, the last in Tadmur Prison. He took his final examination as a general medical practitioner in 2000, but never practiced.[1]

He has been granted a Prince Claus Award for 2012 as “actually a tribute to the Syrian people and the Syrian revolution. He was not able to collect the award as he is living hiding in the underground in Syria.[4]  Wikipedia

Alisar Iram


Posted on October 13, 2013, in Syria. Bookmark the permalink. 96 Comments.

  1. May he rest in peace, Martyr Abdul-Kader Saleh, with all those who preceded him and those who will follow him. Hopefully we will translate our words to deeds and look after their families and loved ones.

  2. Always, the declared intentions of Colonial powers is to protect MINORITIES!
    In The Name of A Minority: divide, separate, instigate…
    Once broken/divided it is much harder to piece together.

    After Gandhi wrote the Declaration of Independence of India in 1930, and after the protest against British monopoly on salt in India, the British were forced to invite the Mahatma to London for a Round-Table Conference.

    The Conference foundered on the issue of how an independent India would deal with its Muslim minority!? OP-please..

    Muhammed Ali Jinnah, an Indian Muslim, his cooperation with those he was fighting against led to the split of a nation, a people, even families..India, Pakistan, … “to Gandhi’s great distress, the Congress leaders and the harried British agreed. August of 1947 saw India’s attainment of independence–as well as its partition into two countries, India and Pakistan. However, neither measure served to solve India’s problems, and the country immediately fell apart: Hindus and Muslims killed each other in alarming numbers while refugees fled toward the borders…”

    Will Syrian head in this direction? Syria’s martyrs will not rest until their aspiration is realized:
    “For to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.” Nelson Mandela

    One, one, one, Syrian people are one! What sets us apart is our political views. In one family you see two different political views.

  3. There are neither minorities nor a majority in Syria..
    An article worth reading about the Syrians in Salamiyeh. To all those who stood against Syrians aspiration for justice and dignity, and worked hard to paint the popular uprising as a sectarian one, by turning a blind eye in support of a tyrant, they are as responsible as the tyrant himself for every death and for every destruction. They are all accountable. I wish their dreams and livelihood will be shattered to bits and pieces. Dignity and freedom is an equal right for people around the world, period.


  4. Syrians “must face up to the very difficult conclusion that they have been effectively defeated, not by the horrifying repression of their own dictatorial regime which they have valiantly resisted, but rather by the international forces that are as committed as the Syrian regime itself to deny Syrians the democracy they so deserve… the struggle to overthrow Asad may very well succeed, but the struggle to bring about a democratic regime in Syria has been thoroughly defeated.” Joseph Massad

  5. “Is Al-Qa`idah now a secret member of NATO?” Duh..

  6. ما هو اهم بالنسبة لايران نشر التشيع و الحفاظ على النظام السوري و الهيمنة على لبنان ام استمرار البرنامج النووي المكلف كل سنة يكلفها ١٢ بليون دولار, ايران اعطت تنازلات ضخمة لماذا؟
    ايران تعتقد ان زوال النظام السوري يعني اضعاف شديد لحزب الله, و حزب الله جبهة امامية للدفاع عن ايران, فبقاء نظام الاسد هو اهم من البرنامج النووي, فهناك فوائد اقتصادية و لكن رغم التنازلات الشديدة فلا بد من مقايضات سياسية.
    الاستنتاج هو اعطاء تنازلات مقابل بقاء النظام السوري

  7. The role of Hizb allah has changed as far as Iran, from resisting Israel, to hegemony over Syria

  8. The death toll of Hizbullah fighters are mounting, I like for someone to tally their number of dead and wounded

  9. السماح لايران بتخصيب ايورانيوم على اراضيها يعني ان على السعودية و على تركيا السماح لهم بتخصيب اليورانيوم على اراضيهم

    اليوم اصبح واضحاً ان للكذب فوائد جمة, الكذب ينجي, اكذبو تربحو, ايران كات تقول ان امريكا هي الشيطان الاكبر , اليوم امريكا لايران هي الصديق الاكبر, بعد عدة سنوات من سب اوباما ايران تقول اوباما بطل,

    هناك من يقول ان قرارات جنيف٢ اصبحت جاهزة, و انعقاده هو امر شكلي فقط, يقولون ان امريكا و ايران اتفقوا على ابقاء سورية تحت النفوذ الروسي الايراني بقيادة مختلفة, و ان الخاسر هي تركيا و السعودية,
    انا اعتقد انها مؤامرة ضد رجب طيب اردوغان, فامريكا خائفة منه كثيرا, فهو في وضع بعد حزيران يمكنه من قيادة اوسع خطرة على مصالح امريكا و روسيا, اليوم نرى ان كيري يتودد الى النظام المصري المعارض لتركيا, و تتقارب امريكا من ايران ضد مصالح الشعب السوري, الذي هو متفق مع تركيا و اردوغان

    Write a comment…

  10. اعلن البيت الابيض ان غاية جنيف٢ هو ذهاب الاسد,

  11. الاتفاقية الايرانية النووية هو تجميد و ليس اتلاف اليورانيوم المخصب, فها هي الاسحة الكيماوية في سورية مضى اكثر من ثلاثة اشهر و لم تتلف, و ايران لن تتلف شيء لعدة اشهر ستتحجج بعدم توفر امكانية الاتلاف, انما ستأخذ ٧ بلايين دولار, مراوغة و مساومة

  12. بدلاً من التعادي بين دول الشرق الاوسط ,فالافضل هو التحالف, كتبت سابقا عن حلف البحار الخمس, يضم ثلاث قوى عربي تركي ايراني, القسم العربي فيه هو القسم الضعيف المشرذم, فمصر تسير في الطريق الخاطئ , و لا يعقل ان يصبح للسعودية دور قيادي, و لكن تركيا و ايران يبدو انهم ماضون في حلف البحار الخمس,
    كان المفروض ان تأخذ مصر دورها القيادي و تتغير الامور في سورية لتصبح دولة ديموقراطية و يأتلفان فيتحقق ثالث الثالوث و يتحالف العرب و تركيا وايران
    لكن للاسف ايران كان لها مطامع اخرى, و تنبهت امريكا فاوقفت دعمها للثورة السورية لتمنع هذا التحالف, و الآن امريكا تحسن علاقتها بايران لتوقف هذا التحالف, امريكا خائفة من اردوغان صاحب هذا المشروع

  13. The Iran Agreement Could Reconfigure the Middle East

    by Rami G. Khouri

    The most striking implication of the agreement signed in Geneva last weekend—to ensure that Iran’s nuclear industry does not develop nuclear weapons while gradually removing the sanctions on the country—is more about Iran than it is about Iran’s nuclear industry. The important new dynamic that has been set in motion is likely to impact profoundly almost every significant political situation around the Middle East and the world, including both domestic conditions within countries and diplomatic relations among countries.


  14. هيثم مناع يريد ان يدخل جنيف بدون ان يدفع ثمن التكيت,الجيش الحر دفع الثمن باهظا بدم الشهداء, هو الذي اوصلنا الى جنيف فماذا دفع مناع ليأتي ,كان موقفه سلبي دوماً

  15. Hizbullah supporters has to leave the gulf with monetary loss close to 3-4 billion dollar

  16. بوجود التقارب الامريكي الايراني اصبح ضرورياً انشاء تقارب مقابل يخفف من ضرر الوضع الجديد, تقارب عربي تركي , قد تنضم له دول اخرى, عمل لا شيء هو خطأ استراتيجي, يجب العمل السريع لتحالف عربي تركي و نبذ الخلافات العربية, و خاصة اعادة مصر للتكتل العربي, و توحيد التعاون الاردني القطري السعودي.

  17. امريكا ارادت ان تقوّي موقف روحاني المعتدل فقبلت بتسوية مرحلية,الغاية هي اضعاف موقف خامنئي المتشدد, المعتدلون في ايران يريدون تحسين الاقتصاد الايراني و ليس نشر التشيع, الذي يسعى اليه خامنئي, لازال الدرب طويل امام روحاني, فخامنئي يسيطر على الجيش,و لكن هناك تحول هام يجب ان نشجعه, و إن لا يساعدنا الآن في سورية.

  18. Ibrahimi said the authority of the new goverment after Geneve2 will be decided by the negotiating parties, this is totally unacceptable, and it violates the american statements that says Geneve2 is to apply geneve1, the coalition must never accept Ibrahimi statement and he must explain his statement and US must declare their position from this statement , otherwise the coalition will refuse to go to geneve2 or go insisting on all parties accept geneve1,

  19. انا لا اتوقع بتاتاً ان تقبل روسيا بالبند السابع و إن كنت اؤيده كثيرا, الهدف من جنيف٢ هو وقف النار و ايصال المساعدات الانسانية و نتيجته هي تقسيم سورية و ليس الحصول على اتفاق لتشكيل حكومة, فلا الاسد سيقبل بالتخلي عن سلطته و لا المعارضة ستقبل بالمشاركة

  20. The future of Syria is division, Sunni Syria will have a shape of crescent, from aleppo to the east including Deir azzor and south to include Deraa,with extension to Ghouta, and Assad Syria which will include the western side ,include Hama Homs Damascus along with the coast,this will seperate Assad from Israel,and from Iraq,the shiaa state,The ceation of such division will create the conditions that will be the bases for future war, so as we see Geneve 2 is another Sykes Pico

  21. كما فهمت فان خطورة الاسحة الكيماوية هي في نقلها الى اللاذقية عبر مناطق تجري فيها معارك , ثم بعد تفكيكها و جعلها اقل خطورة فدفنها سيجري في صحراء او ستنقل الى المحيط الاطلسي و الى القطب الجنوبي حتى لا يتم القاءها في البحر الابيض المتوسط كونه بحيرة مغلقة
    ماذا لو ازدادت حدة المعارك حول اللاذقية, الا يجب وقف القتال ليتسنى نقلها, وقف القتال ضروري لنقل الاسلحة الكيماوية و هنا ياتي دور جنيف لوقف القتال

  22. Butheina Shaaban evaded every quesion that she was asked, no direct answer, , would the regime allow fair election monitored by UN observers ? to her the Syrian people will have to decide, such answers are very devious and indicate that she is afraid to answer.

  23. “فقدنا رجلا نادرا لم يستمع طيلة حياته الا لصوت ضميره .. احمد فؤاد نجم ”

  24. من جلب الدمار والخراب إلى بلداننا بعد الثورات ليس الذين ثاروا من أجل الحرية، بل الذين لا يريدون للشعوب أن تعيش بحرية.
    Faisal Kasim

  25. Rouhani said today he supports election in Syria that is free and fair, this is great if he is telling the truth, we need free election monitored by the UN, My prediction he will not agree to free election, but I think we must accept the results of free election,election should be for the house of representatives , who will write a new constitution, and for president,

  26. An opening essay dedicated to a man who touched so many generations from so many nations. A freedom fighter to some and a terrorist to others. Nelson Mandela

    Reconciliation. Beyond tributes, what we really need to do is take what Nelson Mandela taught us and practice it. – my opening essay.


  27. Pulitzer Prize winning journalist David Rohde speaks to Jian about the new rash of journalist kidnappings in Syria, how the tactics of their captors are changing, and what that means for the kind of work the media is able to do in the troubled country.

    Journalists are now being held indefinitely as potential bargaining chips, a situation which leaves their families, governments and publications at a loss when it comes to effectively negotiating their release. Sometimes, their captors don’t make any demands, or — for reasons that are unclear — connect with victims families to say that they’re okay.

    It’s a subject Rohde feels passionately about, having himself been kidnapped and held captive for 7 months in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Still, he says, the people hurt most are average Syrians whose day-to-day conditions are increasingly difficult to report on.


  28. “My very first political action, the first thing I ever did that involved an issue or a policy or politics, was a protest against apartheid,” President Obama said in his eloquent, moving, and hypocritical eulogy of Nelson Mandela. As a citizen activist Obama opposed apartheid, and today as president he is presiding over billions of dollars in military aid to an Israeli regime that, by any reading of international law, is committing the Crime of Apartheid against the Palestinian people.

    “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians,” Mandela famously said in 1997, and he favorably characterized the UN’s stance as “recognition that injustice and gross human rights violations were being perpetrated in Palestine” going as far back as 1977. Archbishop Demond Tutu and other South African leaders have equated Israel’s regime to Apartheid or worse, calling for boycott, divestment, and sanctions.


  29. One of the architects of the Iraq War, former Vice President Dick Cheney, said in 2000 that he did not regret his vote against the Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, which called for the release of Mandela and other political prisoners. Cheney, then a Republican congressman from Wyoming, maintained that he thought the African National Congress was a “terrorist organization” at the time.

    He later called Mandela a “great man” who had “mellowed” following his release from prison in 1990. Cheney has not apparently released a statement of condolence thus far and an email to his spokeswoman was not immediately returned.

  30. Meaningful words from Patriarch Yazji…Hallelujah!

    A Syrian Mandela in the making? Patriarch Yazji to Arabic BBC, “We are Syrian, Christian Arab, we stand with our people (we are not children of yesterday) to stand with the regime or otherwise..”

    Words of wisdom, finally!

    كلام البطريرك يوحنا يازجي ( بطريرك إنطاكيا وسائر المشرق للروم الأرثوذكس)

    إنها هجمة ممنهجة ومقصودة على الكنائس، يراد بها تحويل الأنظار عن حقيقة ما يجري في سورية وتصوير الامر على انه استهداف للمسيحيين

    نحن سوريون مسيحيون عرب ونقف مع شعوبنا
    لسنا ولاد “مبارح” لنقف مع نظام او غيره

    هذا وكان البطريرك اليازجي قد علق زيارته إلى دول الخليج لمتابعة أوضاع راهبات دير مار تقلا في معلولا، داعيا المجتمع العربي والدولي إلى السعي للإفراج عنهن “إذ لم نعد نحتاج شجبا أو ادانة أو شعورا بالقلق”.
    وقال اليازجي في مؤتمر صحفي من دير سيدة البلمند “نظرا أن المحاولات لم تفض إلى الإفراج عنهن فإن بطريركية انطاكيا للروم تناشد المجتمع الدولي وكل الحكومات للتدخل وإطلاقهن سالمات”.
    وناشد اليازجي “الضمير الحي يمن فيهم الخاطفين لإطلاق أخواتنا الراهبات وبنات الميتم في دير معلولا” متابعا “نداؤنا إلى المجتمع الدولي ومع كل شكرنا للتضامن نحن لم نعد نحتاج شجبا أو ادانة أو شعورا بالقلق لما يجري من تعد على كرامة نحن نحتاج أفعالا حسية وملموسة لا أقوالا”.
    وشدد على أنه “لا نريد من أصحاب القرار إقليميا كان أو دوليا إلا أفعالا تفضي إلى إطلاق من كان ذنبهن الوحيد التشبث بأرضهن ورفض مغادرة الدير”.
    هذا وكرر اليازجي “نداءنا من أجل وقف منطق الصراع في سوريا واستبداله بمنطق الحوار السلمي وعدم استخدام التسويف في الحوار لكسب الرهان على الأرض”.
    وقال “إن كل قطرة دم إنسان بريء تراق على وجه هذه الأرض أقدس وأغلى من كل شعارات العالم”. وأضاف “أجراس كنائسنا نحن مسيحيي المشرق التي علقت وقرعت من غابر الأيام ستظل تقرع وتسمع صوت محبتنا وسلامنا للآخر على اختلاف دينة إلى الدنيا برمتها (..) قساوة الأيام الحاضرة لن تجتث من أرضنا لأنها قطعة من قلبنا”.


  31. في موضوع الحرية و العدالة لكافة فئات الشعب السوري انا لا ارى اي مشكلة في ان يكون رئيس سوريا المقبل علوي او مسيحي او سني, طالما ان النظام القادم هو نظام مدني , القانون فيه فوق كل شخص, و يطبق بالعدالة و المساواة, ما نريد إلغاؤه هو اقتصار الحكم على عائلة واحدة تتوارث الحكم تماما كما لو كنا في نظام ملكي, و تحرم الاشخاص القادرين و الكفؤ ان يخدموا الشعب اذا لم يكونوا من هذه العائلة.
    هذا ما لم تقتنع به الدول الغربية و روسيا, فليس الشعب السوري بطائفي, و لكن نريد التخلص من حكم العائلة الواحدة , و التاريخ في الماضي اثبت فشل حكم العائلة الواحدة ,فغالباً لا يستمر الحكم إلا لثلاثة اجيال فقط ثم تتغير العائلة.
    ثم إن الإسلام هو ضد النظام الملكي المتوارث , و امرهم شورى بينهم,

  32. I do have a big problem with ‘anyone’ labeling us, or, anyone labeling her or himself, other than “Syrian”. From A-Z, from Alawites to Zoroastrians and in between, we are Syrians, period.

  33. Mandela is not a birthday cake to be celebrated. The funeral with its hypocritical heads of state won’t honor him. He is a pioneer to be emulated. We honor him by standing up for justice even in the face of enormous opposition from the rich and powerful, by taking risks for high ideals. We won’t meet his standards. But if all of us tried, we’d make the world better. As he did.


  34. It is a fact that Assad regime has true friends Russia and Iran and HA and Malki troops, while the rebels they don’t have true friends,

  35. Honor Mandela by viewing Palestine with
    the same moral clarity as apartheid South


  36. Theses on Zionism
    Joseph Massad


    European Christians oppress European Jews. They then demand that the Palestinians must allow European Jews to oppress them in turn and that the Palestinians must ignore if not celebrate their own oppression, while condemning European Christian oppression of European Jews.

    European Jewish Zionists also demand that Palestinians celebrate the oppression inflicted on them by European Jews (and non-European Jews mobilized by Zionism) and marvel as to why the Palestinians resist the understanding that European Jews have the exceptional right to oppress them because as Jews, they were oppressed by European Christians.

    European Jewish Zionists are horrified that anyone would suggest that they should celebrate the oppression inflicted on them by European Christians. They are equally horrified that anyone should suggest that the Palestinians should not celebrate the oppression inflicted on them by European (and non-European) Jews.

    European and Euro-American Christian Zionists and European Jewish Zionists insist on the exceptionalism of Europeans. European Jewish Zionists recognize that European and Euro-American Christians should have the right to oppress anyone they choose except for Jews, while European and Euro-American Christian Zionists recognize that European (and other) Jews have the right to oppress only the Palestinians, and a motley array of other Arabs and Muslims.

    European and Euro-American Zionists, Christians and Jews alike, do not consider it controversial when modern Egyptians claim descent from the ancient Egyptians and the Pharaohs, nor do they consider it controversial when modern Iraqis claim descent from the Babylonians; or when the Lebanese claim descent from the Phoenicians, or when the Jordanians claim descent from the Nabateans. The only controversy is over the Palestinians’ claim that they are descendants of the ancient Hebrews.

    At the same time, it remains utterly uncontroversial that modern European Jews, who are descendants of European converts to Judaism who were and are foreign to Palestine’s geography, claim instead that they, not the native Palestinians, are the real descendants of the ancient Hebrews.

    When some Zionists admit their war crimes against the Palestinians, the expulsion, the massacres, the destruction of Palestinian cities and towns, the theft of land and property, they claim that they had little choice, as they were persecuted in Europe and needed a refuge, even if at the expense of the Palestinians. When Palestinians insist on resisting these Zionist crimes and claims, the same Zionists accuse the Palestinians of lack of sympathy with their oppressors and of anti-Semitism.

    Zionism bases itself on three claims: (1) that the ancient Hebrews possessed ancient Palestine and nobody else lived there; (2) that modern descendants of European converts to Judaism are the direct descendants of the Hebrews; and (3) that, based on these two claims, modern European Jews have the right to take Palestine from the Palestinians.

    While the first two claims lack any historical validity as attested to by mounds of historical evidence, even were we to assume that they were valid, they do not lead to the acceptance of the third proposition. Otherwise all European white Aryans would be claiming northern India as their home (as they claim to have originated there) and would seek to displace all Indians (dark Aryans) living there today and take their land away from them.

    Religious and secular Zionists use the Jewish scriptures to assert that God promised the ancient Hebrews the land of Palestine and that the Hebrews went there and killed the native Canaanites and took their country. They add that this gives modern European Jews the right to repeat that very same crime today by killing the native Palestinians and by taking away their country.

    Israel claims to be of Asian Hebrew origins, yet it insists that it is part of Europe and the West.

    Zionism claims to be an answer to the loss of Jewish cultures (on account of Jewish assimilation in the diaspora) and to the threat of anti-Semitism, which threatens Jewish lives in the diaspora.

    Yet it is Israel which has played the major role in destroying all diaspora Jewish languages (including Yiddish, Ladino and Arabic) and cultures and substituted for Jews instead an assimilated European gentile Hebrew-speaking culture. As for safeguarding Jewish lives, today and for the last six and a half decades, Israel, rather than being the safest place for Jews, has been the most dangerous place for them.

    Anti-Zionists have interpreted the Zionist project; the point however is to undo it.

  37. “We were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the Government. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and when the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.”

    Why did the ANC resorted to arm struggle? Mandela said: “I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love for violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the whites.”

  38. بيننا اليوم من يعتقد جازما بأن القذافي مآله الجنة حتما مع اعترافه بجرائمه وأن مانديلا في النار حتما مع اعترافه بفضائله

  39. ‘Courageous people do not fear forgiving, for the sake of peace.’ Mandela

  40. the article on the four activists’ kidnapping doesn’t mention that Samira Khalil is also (I believe) the spouse of Yassin al-Haj Saleh…

  41. الثورة في سورية قامت تطالب بالحرية و العدالة, قامت تقول ان العلويين في سورية استأثرو بالحكم طويلاً و همشو بقية الشعب, الذين اصبحو كالعبيد, و العلويين كالاسياد, فاراد الشعب الكرامة, و المشاركة في الحكم, و هذا حقهم, و لكن تآمر عليهم كل من إيران و اوباما, ايران ارسلت جنودها و ارسلت حزب الله و ميليشات المالكي, و اوباما رفض العون العسكري , النتيجة كانت ان الثوار اضطرو الى اللجوء الى شرب العلقم و الانضمام الى متشددين اسلاميين هم القاعدة, هم داعش, و هذه خطيئه كبرى, يقولون لم يكن لهم خيار, والواقع انهم نسو او تناسو سبب الثورة و هو ثورة من اجل الحرية و العدالة و الديموقراطية, و رمو انفسهم في احضان من لا يؤمن بالحرية, في احضان داعش, داعش التي تفهم الاسلام غلط, فالاسلام هو دين الحرية و الوسط وليس دين اجبار الناس على اتباع آرائهم و لا دين تشدد, داعش هي ضد الحرية, هي ضد الديموقراطية, و بهذا سرقت الثورة, في نفس الوقت زاد جور النظام واستقوى بمجرمين من حزب الله, فما ذا نفعل؟
    استمسكو بثوابتكم و اصبرو, واعملو على الحوار لتثبتو انكم دعاة حرية و ليس تشدد و قمع من نوع آخر, فليس البديل عن نظام مجرم بنظام مجرم آخر, النصر للحق و لا للظلم

Share your thinking

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: